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Gateway Pundit to file for bankruptcy amid election conspiracy lawsuits - The Washington Post

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Gateway Pundit, the popular far-right blog, is filing for bankruptcy as it faces lawsuits alleging it promoted bogus claims about the 2020 election, its founder announced Wednesday — though he vowed to continue publishing.

Since its launch in 2004, the site has become a prolific clearinghouse for conspiracy theories about the election, school shootings, and other topics, helping to funnel such flimsy stories from the fringes of the internet to the broader pro-Trump right thanks to its substantial audience.

But all those conspiracy theories have had a cost for Jim Hoft, the Missouri blogger who founded Gateway Pundit. In a message on the site, Hoft said its parent company would file for bankruptcy because it was under attack from “progressive liberal” lawsuits. Hoft said the bankruptcy filing would help “consolidate” the lawsuits.

The bankruptcy filing wasn’t immediately available, and Hoft did not respond to a request for comment.

While he didn’t name which lawsuits he was referencing, the site is being sued for claims of defamation and infliction of emotional distress by Ruby Freeman and Wandrea Moss, two Georgia election workers who say they faced threats after the site leveled baseless accusations of ballot fraud against them.

Despite the site’s apparent financial jeopardy, Hoft seemed determined to continue publishing in some form, writing that he would “not be deterred” from his work at what he called one of the country’s “most trusted independent media outlets.”

Despite its bare-bones layout and small staff, Gateway Pundit consistently ranks among the 20 most-read conservative websites online, according to Howard Polskin, who analyzes conservative media on his website, TheRighting.

Polskin said Gateway Pundit has managed to grow a significant audience through “right-wing hysteria.”

“It’s got a pretty strong brand position,” Polskin said. “It pulls a lot of eyeballs.”

Another lawsuit from Freeman and Moss has already resulted in a mammoth judgment against another election-fraud conspiracy theorist. In December, Trump lawyer Rudy Giuliani filed for bankruptcy after a $148 million judgment against him for his own attacks on Freeman and Moss.

Gateway Pundit is not alone among far-right media outlets to file for bankruptcy as they face legal judgments. The conspiracy-theorist outlet Infowars and its founder, Alex Jones, both filed for bankruptcy in 2022 as they faced huge legal judgments for promoting conspiracy theories about the 2012 Sandy Hook school shooting.

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MAGA Megadonor Dick Uihlein Shifting Spending for 2024: Tax Filings

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Pay Dirt is a weekly foray into the pigpen of political funding. Subscribe here to get it in your inbox every Thursday.

One of the biggest megadonors fueling the MAGA agenda appears to have changed up his strategy, according to a Daily Beast analysis of new financial disclosures, scaling back his personal largesse while an associated dark money group’s spending soared.

The disclosures also reveal for the first time a direct convergence of arguably the three most influential conservative megadonors in the country—cardboard billionaire Dick Uihlein, investor Jeff Yass, and Leonard Leo, the deep-pocketed backroom architect of the judiciary.

Uihlein, founder of the Wisconsin-based Uline shipping empire, is among the most ardent and active backers of election deniers in the country. His $90 million in contributions during the 2022 midterms ranked first among conservative donors and placed Uihlein as the second-biggest political financier in the United States, according to the Center for Responsive Politics.

Previously unreported tax filings from two organizations tied to Uihlein, also covering 2022, reveal that the Illinois cargo magnate accelerated the political influence binge he embarked on at the end of Donald Trump’s presidency. In 2021, Uihlein grew increasingly active, particularly in election denier circles, funding Jan. 6 participants and underwriting conservative efforts to control ballot boxes nationwide.

The new disclosures extend those traditions, pushing Uihlein’s midterm political spending well above $100 million, with major gifts to anti-democratic initiatives as well as anti-abortion causes in 2022—the year the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, sparking a Democratic midterm wave.

But the documents, filed with the Internal Revenue Service this November and shared with The Daily Beast by liberal activist organization Accountable.US, show that while both organizations posted significant revenue gains, the group tied directly to Uihlein reeled in its spending, with another, more distant nonprofit picking up the slack.

However, that second group has also teamed up with two other arch-conservative financiers—Yass and Leo—in the first alignment between the three influential donors.

The Ed Uihlein Family Foundation, which Uihlein funds and oversees personally, raised $11.4 million, more than double its 2021 revenue, according to its 2022 disclosure. But the foundation only spent about $5.6 million, less than one-third of what it doled out the prior year. Its largest grant, an even $1 million, went to the American Cornerstone Institute, an organization run by Trump’s Secretary of Housing and Human Development Ben Carson and a sister group of the MAGAfied Conservative Partnership Institute.

The second nonprofit—the Uihlein-fueled dark money operation “Restoration of America,” also known as “Restoration Action”—hit the gas. That nonprofit raised $30 million in 2022, up $10 million from 2021, while reporting a nearly $10 million increase in spending, according to its filing.

Top recipients include anti-abortion megalith Susan B. Anthony List ($2.7 million) and Tea Party Patriots Action ($2.5 million), which helped organize the Jan. 6 rally. The gift to TPPA represents a nearly $2 million increase over the $600,000 contribution in 2021.

About $22 million of Restoration of America’s revenue came from one person. As a 501(c)(4) social welfare organization, the group can participate in some political activity but doesn’t have to disclose its donors. However, that anonymous donor is almost certainly Uihlein, who has underwritten the Restoration of America network for years. (The group lists its headquarters in Downers Grove, Illinois.) The $22 million would also represent an increase of about $2.5 million over the group’s top 2021 donor, also likely Uihlein.

Caroline Ciccone, president of Accountable.US, said the moves suggest that Uihlein and his wife, Liz Uihlein, might be trying to “distance themselves from their own extremism.”

“For years, billionaire conservative megadonors Dick and Liz Uihlein bankrolled the anti-democratic extremist groups that brought us the Jan. 6 insurrection. Now, they’re dumping millions into groups working to abolish abortion access across the country and appear to be purposefully funneling even more through a separate nonprofit to distance themselves from their own extremism,” Ciccone said. “But the truth is clear: the Uihleins’ continued funding of the far-right’s most extreme causes is nothing more than a desperate attempt to force an unpopular, radical agenda on Americans everywhere.”

Brendan Fischer, deputy executive director of government watchdog Documented, told The Daily Beast that while the new filings deliver “no big surprises” on the surface, they also reveal an alignment between a trio of major conservative funders.

“These grants show how the Uihlein-backed group continues to finance election fraud conspiracy theories,” Fischer said. But he pointed out that the filing also discloses that Restoration for America has an affiliated organization, called Foundation for Fair Courts, LLC, focused on cementing conservative control in state supreme courts—and that group draws funding from both Leonard Leo and Jeff Yass.

In fact, Leo was behind almost all of the money Foundation for Fair Courts raised last year, in the form of a $1 million grant from his Concord Fund. In 2022, FFC put its donations into a campaign to amend the South Carolina constitution in a way that would give the conservative legislature control over the state’s supreme court. Earlier this year, Yass’ group, the Pennsylvania-based Commonwealth Leaders Fund, made a six-figure contribution.

“Uihlein, Leo, and Yass collectively control billions of dollars and have directed countless sums towards reshaping the courts, but I don’t know that we’ve previously seen their political operations directly collaborate,” Fischer said.

In October, The Washington Spectator published an investigative report detailing how those three men, among other conservative megadonors, are pouring millions of dollars into efforts to bend the American courts to the right, often by supporting the election of right-wing judges. The report noted Yass and Uihlein both had ties to the Foundation of Fair Courts, but the Leo connection is new.

The Uihleins first caught the media’s attention in 2018, but after the Jan. 6 insurrection the reporting intensified in line with their activity. However, Uihlein actually accelerated his outward political giving in 2022, and his foundation’s slowdown that year remains unexplained.

However, Restoration for America’s $2 million leap to Jan. 6 organizer Tea Party Patriots Action came after widespread reporting had detailed Uihlein’s direct donations to that group, via its super PAC affiliate, the Tea Party Patriots Citizens Fund. Those reports, starting in 2021, revealed that Uihlein had donated more than $4 million to the group since 2016.

Federal Election Commission data shows that Uihlein has not given to the super PAC since those reports came out.

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Arboreality – Where is Here?

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acdha
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This book deserves every bit of praise it’s received and then some
Washington, DC

Meadows, Giuliani and other Trump allies charged in Arizona 2020 election probe - The Washington Post

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PHOENIX — An Arizona grand jury on Wednesday indicted seven attorneys and aides affiliated with Donald Trump’s 2020 presidential campaign as well as 11 Arizona Republicans on felony charges related to their alleged efforts to subvert Joe Biden’s 2020 victory in the state, according to an announcement by the state attorney general.

Those indicted include former Trump White House chief of staff Mark Meadows, attorneys Rudy Giuliani, Jenna Ellis, John Eastman and Christina Bobb, top campaign adviser Boris Epshteyn and former campaign aide Mike Roman. They are accused of allegedly aiding an unsuccessful strategy to award the state’s electoral votes to Trump instead of Biden after the 2020 election. Also charged are the Republicans who signed paperwork on Dec. 14, 2020, that falsely purported Trump was the rightful winner, including former state party chair Kelli Ward, state Sens. Jake Hoffman and Anthony Kern, and Tyler Bowyer, a GOP national committeeman and chief operating officer of Turning Point Action, the campaign arm of the pro-Trump conservative group Turning Point USA.

Trump was not charged, but he is described in the indictment as an unindicted co-conspirator.

The indictments cap a year-long investigation by Arizona Attorney General Kris Mayes (D) into how the elector strategy played out in Arizona, which Biden won by 10,457 votes. Arizona is the fourth state after Michigan, Georgia and Nevada to seek charges against those who formed an alternate slate of presidential electors. As those cases slowly make their way through the legal system, Trump is again running for president, and officials in Arizona and other battleground states are preparing for another likely contentious election.

In releasing the indictment, Mayes’s office redacted the names of all of the individuals outside of Arizona who were charged until they have been served their indictments. The Washington Post was able to identify all of them through the accounts of their alleged actions described in the indictment.

George Terwilliger, a lawyer representing Meadows, said he had not yet seen the indictment.

"If Mr. Meadows is named in this indictment, it is a blatantly political and politicized accusation and will be contested and defeated,” he said.

Epshteyn declined to comment. Bobb, Hoffman, Bowyer, a spokesman for Giuliani and attorneys for Roman, Eastman and most of the Arizona Republicans did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

Many of those involved in the 2020 elector strategy, which played out in Arizona and six other states, have long insisted that the tactic was legal because the Trump electors were only placeholders to be activated if legal challenges to Biden’s win were successful in court. But Mayes charges that Trump’s allies inside and outside of Arizona intended all along to use the electors to falsely claim that the outcome of the election was in doubt — facilitating an effort to obstruct the certification of Biden’s victory in Congress on Jan. 6, 2021.

Unlike probes by state prosecutors in Michigan and Nevada, Mayes took a top-to-bottom approach with her investigation. Similar to prosecutors in the Atlanta area, Mayes targeted not just local conservatives who carried out the plan in Phoenix, but also the out-of-state middlemen in Trump’s orbit who allegedly helped put it together. But unlike in Georgia, Mayes did not try to indict the former president.

This is a second round of charges for Meadows, Giuliani, Ellis, Eastman and Roman, who were all indicted alongside Trump in Georgia last year. Ellis pleaded guilty in October to illegally conspiring to overturn Trump’s 2020 election loss in Georgia and has been cooperating with prosecutors. This is the first time Epshteyn — now a top 2024 campaign aide who frequently talks with the former president — has been charged for his alleged actions after the 2020 election.

Mayes’s case had been squarely focused on local conservatives up until late last year. Then, Arizona prosecutors and investigators met in December with Kenneth Chesebro, an attorney and an architect of the elector strategy who pleaded guilty in Georgia in October to a single felony count of participating in a conspiracy to file false documents. Chesebro provided Mayes’s team with records — some that had been previously unseen — that revealed more information about those involved in the Arizona effort, according to two people familiar with the investigation who requested anonymity to talk about the sensitive conversations. After that, they said the Arizona investigation widened.

Much of the activity that Mayes investigated happened in the weeks after Biden was declared the winner in Arizona and Dec. 14, 2020, when the Republican electors gathered to sign paperwork. Emails, records, text messages and other documents from this time have emerged in a variety of ways, including from the U.S. House select committee that investigated the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol.

After the election, Giuliani and Ellis frequently traveled together as they worked to overturn Trump’s loss, state by state. Both attended a Nov. 30, 2020, event in downtown Phoenix attended by state GOP state and federal lawmakers, where they falsely claimed widespread fraud had marred the election. Then, Giuliani, Ellis and other Trump allies tried to convince then-Arizona House Speaker Russell “Rusty” Bowers (R) to help overturn the results.

Bowers, speaking in 2022 before the House committee, said he remembered Giuliani saying during that meeting, “We’ve got lots of theories — we just don’t have the evidence.”

Bobb, who has ties to Arizona, communicated with Trump allies about the strategy. After the House speaker met with Giuliani and other Trump allies, Bobb emailed the then-state senate president with information that Giuliani believed could be used to sow doubt in the 2020 outcome.

Eastman, a pro-Trump lawyer who helped devise the multi-state strategy, outlined how it could be achieved.

Roman, the campaign staffer who oversaw election-day operations, circulated emails about the alternate elector plan, tracked elector participation in several states and communicated about making sure the paperwork was in Washington by Jan. 6, 2021, when Congress convened to count electoral college votes. Roman directed Chesebro to make sure that Ward, the state party chair, had the necessary paperwork to prepare for the signing of official-looking paperwork, according to emails that have been made public.

In early December 2020, Epshteyn emailed a Wisconsin-based attorney who was aiding the campaign and asked him to draft sample language for alternate electors in seven states, including Arizona. Epshteyn wrote that the request came from Giuliani, and he added, “If that’s difficult, we can have counsels in those states do it.”

Meadows, as Trump’s final White House chief of staff, has sought to downplay his involvement in the elector plan. In a federal court hearing last August in Georgia, Meadows repeatedly testified under oath that he played no role in the elector effort. Prosecutors introduced into evidence December 2020 emails between Meadows and Jason Miller, a longtime Trump campaign aide that showed Meadows forwarding a memo about the plan to Miller.

“Let’s have a discussion about this tomorrow,” Meadows wrote. When Miller told him the campaign was already talking about it, Meadows replied, “We just need to have someone coordinating the electors for the states.” In court, Meadows sought to downplay the email, saying that his use of the term “we” meant the campaign, not him. Meadows also testified that he did not want to get “yelled at” by Trump.

On Dec. 12, 2020, Republicans in Arizona were finalizing plans to assemble in Phoenix to stand in solidarity with Trump. Ward emailed Chesebro, Roman and others that the Trump campaign had requested the participation of Arizona electors. “We are all prepared to meet 12/14,” she wrote. “It would be optimal if the campaign created and produced the documents in the ACTUAL format needed so staff can print the collateral, the electors can show up, meet/vote, and sign, and then staff can collate the documents and send to the appropriate places in the appropriate way.”

Roman responded to the group and directed Chesebro, “Please send the full updated AZ packet.”

Ward also made clear in her email that she had talked to Giuliani. She wrote that she had “told him we were working to make sure we accomplish what we need to do.”

On Dec. 14, 2020, the day the electoral college formally convened, Ward and other pro-Trump Republicans gathered at the state party’s headquarters. The party publicized the event — which they called “The Signing” — on Twitter, and electors posed for photos.

In the weeks following the Jan. 6 attack, prosecutors across the country weighed whether to investigate pro-Trump electors in their states. At the time in Arizona, then-Attorney General Mark Brnovich (R) chose not to do so. After Mayes won her election in 2022 — partly on a promise to investigate the elector strategy — she assigned a team of prosecutors to begin pursuing evidence.

Along the way, state prosecutors spent several hours interviewing Bowers, Republican members of the Maricopa County Board of Supervisors who voted to approve election results from the Phoenix area and others familiar with how the elector maneuver unfolded inside of the state GOP.

In early March, the probe began nearing an end, and the pro-Trump electors received subpoenas requesting their testimony before a grand jury. Many had been advised to invoke their Fifth Amendment right not to answer questions.

Holly Bailey in Atlanta, Amy Gardner in Portland, Ore., and Josh Dawsey and Maegan Vazquez in Washington contributed to this report.

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Root Cause

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Quoting Erika Hall

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A bad survey won’t tell you it’s bad. It’s actually really hard to find out that a bad survey is bad — or to tell whether you have written a good or bad set of questions. Bad code will have bugs. A bad interface design will fail a usability test. It’s possible to tell whether you are having a bad user interview right away. Feedback from a bad survey can only come in the form of a second source of information contradicting your analysis of the survey results.

Most seductively, surveys yield responses that are easy to count and counting things feels so certain and objective and truthful.

Even if you are counting lies.

Erika Hall

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